From there Major Chouteau went on to the village of the Wichita, who informed him that the Kiowa would be found south of Red River on the headwaters of the Colorado. For twenty-two days he ranged the country between those rivers, and was about to start on his return to Cache Creek, being compelled to do so by the weakness of his horses, when he found himself surrounded by innumerable camp fires of the Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache; 1 these Indians had just commenced their annual migration to the buffalo grounds to the north. Traveling north with them to Cache Creek, he halted and invited the Indians to his camp for an interview. They were suspicious and circumspect, and for a number of days sent minor members of the tribe to Major Chouteau to learn his business and reflect on the matter before the chief finally appeared. At last however, he discussed the object of his visit with some of the head men of the tribe, who agreed to send a deputation to Fort Gibson in the early part of the succeeding May. These Indians reported that they had been at war, though with whom Major Chouteau does not state; and their horses and mules, probably stolen from the Mexicans or Texans, were not in fit condition for traveling to Fort Gibson before the spring grass would sustain them.
The expedition had taken Major Chouteau all winter, and was a most arduous undertaking. He returned to Fort Gibson in April and made his report 2 to Governor Stokes and Colonel Arbuckle. He concludes with the following interesting paragraph: “I should feel myself wanting in gratitude to the Comanches, Kioways, Catakahs and the various bands of Pawnees whom I met with, were I, in this communication to omit to bear testimony to their uniformly kind attention and respectful bearing towards me throughout the whole of my intercourse with them, seeming never for a moment to forget the courtesy due to an agent of the Government.” The great influence of the Chouteau family with the Indians may be accounted for by the sense of justice to them reflected in this sentiment.
The Kiowa did not come to Fort Gibson in 1836, as they promised, but instead ominous reports of war among the prairie Indians complicated with the Mexican and Texan situation found their way to that post. In the following winter, Major Chouteau, accompanied by his son Edward and Doctor Richie, went to Camp Holmes where A. P. Chouteau had built a trading post after the treaty made there in 1835 with the Comanche and other tribes, and where he was trading with those Indians. Major Chouteau sent his son with four other men to visit the Comanche and Kiowa Indians in their winter camp south of Red River; he returned in January and reported to his father. On February first, 1837, Major Chouteau wrote 3 that his son had reported the Comanche Chief, She-co-ney, who had signed the treaty of 1835, was angry with the white people, and threatened to destroy Camp Holmes with its inhabitants. Information had also come from Coffee’s trading post on Red River that the Comanche had burned their copy of the treaty because they were just beginning to realize that it admitted the Osage, Creeks, Cherokee, Choctaw, and other eastern tribes into the country they had been accustomed to regard as their exclusive hunting ground. And from indications Chouteau predicted that the Comanche would soon engage in a war with the Osage, Delaware, and other tribes who were then hunting in the country claimed by the former.
Captives of the Comache
Camp Holmes and Chouteau’s trading house were within the country given the Creeks, but members of that tribe had not ventured so far west except on hunting excursions. To avoid conflicts, Major Chouteau was directed to warn the Delaware, Creeks, Choctaw, and Shawnee not to trespass on the country not belonging to them. At that time a number of white people had been made prisoners by the Comanche in Texas and brought across the border into the United States. Chouteau was directed to secure information concerning these prisoners, supposed to number forty or fifty. He learned of two women prisoners in the village of She-co-ney, one of them a Mrs. Martin, whose youngest children were killed by the Indians because they were unable to walk with the party who made them captives. The Kiowa and Wichita also had a number of prisoners, including persons named Richards, Parker, and Forest; but the Comanche had the largest number. In May, 1837, a war party of Comanche, brought to Major Chouteau at Camp Holmes three white women and children prisoners. Jack Ivey, 4 a half-breed mulatto, reported to Chouteau that at a Waco village he had purchased a white woman and a two-year-old girl; the woman had a daughter and a brother still prisoners, the former with the Wichita and the brother with the Waco. They were all taken prisoners in Texas. Because they had no horses to ride, Ivey was obliged to leave the woman and child at Coffee’s trading house until his return.
Among the white captives of the Comanche were Cynthia Ann Parker, twelve years of age, and her brother who were taken by the Comanche on a raid in the summer of 1835, from the home of their father on Navasota River in Texas. The girl later became the wife of No-co-ne and the mother of the famous chief, Quanah Parker, who was born about 1845.
Captain Marcy stated 5 that Cynthia, having an Indian husband and children, could not be persuaded to leave them. The brother, who had been ransomed at Fort Gibson and brought home, told Captain Marcy that he was sent by his mother to try to induce his sister to return home. When he interviewed her, she refused to listen to his suggestion, saying that her husband, children and all that she held most dear were with the Indians, and there she should remain.
In 1860 a company of Texas Rangers and United States Cavalry attacked a body of Comanche Indians on Pease River in north Texas. The Indians who were not killed fled; one of those captured proved to be Cynthia Ann Parker. She was carried with her little daughter, Prairie Flower, back to the home of her childhood. After her twenty-four years of captivity, she was compelled to re-learn the English language; but she pined for her Indian associates and freedom of the plains, and in 1870 died in civilized surroundings to which, it was said, she never became reconciled.
In 1837 the authorities in the Southwest reported the situation as critical. 6 From the large number of Indians of different tribes ranging the prairies as a common hunting ground, conflicts seemed inevitable, and Indian warfare on a large scale was expected. Reports continued to reach Fort Gibson of the activities of agents of Mexico among the western Indians who were inciting the Comanche and Wichita to make war on the whites. The Government was beset in several quarters, and much of its little army was engaged in the Seminole War in Florida. Part of it had just returned from the expedition from Fort Gibson to the Mexican border.
Colonel Chouteau Sent to Execute More Treaties
In January, Captain Bonneville at Fort Gibson wrote 7 the Adjutant-general offering to head an expedition to the western Indians to reach an understanding with the Kiowa and other prairie tribes. This offer was not accepted, but as the situation became more alarming, on April 7, 1837, Colonel A. P. Chouteau was commissioned by the Secretary of War to go among the prairie Indians and endeavor to execute further treaties among the tribes, and between them and the United States. Colonel Chouteau was described by Governor Stokes in a letter to the Secretary of War 8 as “better acquainted with the situation of Indian tribes, and of Indian manners, habits and dispositions, than any man west of the Mississippi River.” With his previous long experience among the Indians, and from the operation of his trading house at Camp Holmes, he had a wide knowledge of, and acquaintance with them, and held their confidence, giving him advantages in such negotiations no other man of his time possessed. And the Government confidently turned to him and his brother, Major P. L. Chouteau, for service of the greatest importance in the critical situation.
It seems incredible, but the Government had no money to pay for the important service required of Chouteau; his commission concluded as follows: 9 “There is no appropriation out of which any part of your expenses can be paid. I wish, therefore, that all your pecuniary engagements should rest upon your individual responsibility, and that you should rely upon Congress for indemnification of your expenses. The Department is aware that the duties of the mission cannot be successfully executed without presents to the Indians, and you are therefore authorized, under the restrictions just stated, to provide the necessary supplies for this purpose, to an amount not exceeding five thou-sand dollars.” 10
The situation was described by an observer:
“Choctaw Agency, April 21, 1837. The Indian country on the southwest frontier is filled with Mexican emissaries. Some five or six have been seen among the wild Indians, and have induced them to take up arms against Texas. They have, regardless of the treaty, crossed over our line, to meet the wild Indians, and have made a general invitation to our emigrant tribes to join in the contest, offering horses, arms, ammunition, and all the plunder they can take besides a peaceable possession of Texas if they can succeed in driving off the inhabitants. These invitations, I assure you, have created no little sensation among our Indians, many of whom are poor, and are ready for adventure spiced a little with feelings of an ardent love for the Texans – they being a branch of the American family; and if we have not a war immediately on this frontier, it will be owing to the prompt gathering of a military force at some point on Red River, which I do not see any sign of. Parties of friendly Indians come in daily, complaining of depredations being committed on them by the wild Indians. Several traveling parties (American), have been plundered and driven from the prairies by Camanches, who have been urged to these acts by their Mexican allies. This state of things ought not to last long.” 11
A Treaty is Made With the Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, and Tawakoni Tribes
In May, 1837, Major P. L. Chouteau returned to Fort Gibson from Camp Holmes with a delegation of twenty-four of the principal chiefs and head men of the Kiowa, seven Kataka or Kiowa Apache, and two Wichita for the purpose of meeting the commissioners and entering into the long-deferred treaty of peace and friendship. They arrived at Fort Gibson on the eighteenth, and two days later they were followed by the principal chief of the Tawakoni and eleven of his people, for the same purpose as the Kiowa. 12 After a conference and the usual preliminaries, on the twenty-sixth, a treaty 13 was entered into at Fort Gibson and signed by Governor Stokes and Colonel Chouteau for the United States, General Arbuckle having left on a journey to the east; and by the chiefs and representatives of the Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, and Tawakoni tribes of Indians. The treaty embraced much the same subjects as those in the treaty of 1835 – assurances of peace and friendship, consent for all to hunt on the great prairies west of the Cross Timbers, promises of indemnity for property of traders taken or destroyed, and guarantee of safety of Santa Fe traders en route. With this accomplished, the Government had concluded treaties with nearly all the bands of prairie Indians in the Southwest with whom there was intercourse or possibility of collision within the United States; and if faithfully observed, was believed to insure the safety of traders going to Santa Fe as well as all licensed traders on the southwestern frontier.
The making of this treaty was a consummation much desired by the officials of the Government. Conditions in the Southwest more and more justified and required the presence of Fort Gibson and its influence over the untamed expanse between the post and the limits of the United States. The efforts of Texas and Mexico to embroil the southwestern Indians in their quarrel, 14 aggravated on our side of the line the differences already existing among the Indians and between them and the traders, trappers, and travelers engaged in legitimate enterprise, whom we were unable to protect by force.
When the Comanche visited Fort Gibson, the only white settlement in the United States they had ever seen, they believed that the few hundred soldiers and civilians at that little post represented the great strength of the United States, of which Colonel Dodge in their villages had boasted, in his well-meant efforts to impress them, but they refused to be impressed; feeling that the whites were few in comparison with them – the hundreds of the white soldiers’ horses insignificant compared to their thousands. This impression coming to the knowledge of the officials, it was decided to take a delegation of the western Indians to Washington, so they could be impressed by a view of some of the populous cities in the east. Accordingly, on July 27, Colonel Chouteau was authorized to collect a deputation of Comanche and Kiowa Indians, and accompany them to Washington during the following winter and spring. The Comanche, some time before, said they would go if they were accompanied by a deputation of Osage, with whom they were better acquainted than with any other tribe connected with the United States; and the Osage joined in the request.
It was planned to hold a meeting at Camp Holmes in the autumn where it was hoped there would be a large gathering of the western Indians with whom Chouteau might counsel on the subject of peace. In October, Colonel Chouteau directed his brother Major P. L. Chouteau, to go to Fort Mason 15 and ascertain the points at which the different prairie Indians would be willing to meet Colonel Chouteau, or whether they would prefer to send deputations to meet him at Fort Gibson. The next month Colonel Chouteau was escorted from Fort Gibson by Captain Trenor and a company of dragoons, arriving at Camp Holmes on the twenty-fourth. Two days later Captain Trenor returned to Fort Gibson, leaving with Colonel Chouteau, Lieutenant Northrop and twelve men, together with necessary transportation facilities and subsistence to enable Chouteau to carry his operations into effect during the winter and spring.
As the Wichita had been consistent friends of the United States since they had signed the treaty of 1835, Colonel Chouteau took the liberty of donating to them a few articles, such as axes, hoes, powder, and lead, to relieve their most pressing wants and to ameliorate their shocking condition, for which action he asked the sanction of the Department. As the Caddo resided in Texas, Chouteau said he would do nothing toward intervening in their troubles, but would correspond with Governor Houston of Texas, and warn him of the difficulties that would ensue if he did not prevent further depredations by Indians of his country. He reported further that as the war parties continued to move about, it would be impossible to get deputations together for their visit to Washington until late in the spring.
Reports from Camp Holmes
In the following June, Colonel Chouteau made another interesting report from Camp Holmes: 16 “I was visited on the 27th May by Tabaquena (one of the principal Chiefs of the Pa-do-kah indians) whom I had sent immediately after my report to you of the 16th December last, to visit the Tribes of the Southwest, and make an arrangement with them to meet me either at this place or at the Pilot-Mountains about the latter part of March. He brought with him a Deputation from eight of the different tribes – viz, the Ky-oh-wah, Ka-ta-kah, Pa-do-kah, Yam-pa-rhe-kah or Comanche, Sho-sho-nee, Hoish, Co-che-te-kah and Wee-che-tah, among whom were twenty-two of their principal chiefs, and a number of warriors. There were also present a number of the Osages and Piankashaws. After meeting them in council, and informing them of the wish of the Government to postpone their visit to Washington, they manifested some surprise and regret, and said they had come prepared to make arrangements, to visit their Grand Father the great American Chief. Upon understanding however that the visit was only deferred, they appeared satisfied, and expressed a great desire that at some future period I might be permitted to take them.” To solace their disappointment, Chouteau gave the chiefs presents as usual. He would have made a treaty with the “Hoish” and other tribes, but a sufficient number of their responsible chiefs were not present, and that matter was deferred to the following October.
Chouteau was informed by the Indians that they were making preparations to go to war against the “Pawnee Mohaw” and “Chians” in consequence of the repeated depredations which both those nations had for a long time committed upon them; and it was expected the Osage would join them, the recent death of their chief Clermont requiring the taking of fresh scalps to facilitate the passage of his spirit to the happy hunting grounds. Colonel Chouteau endeavored to dissuade them from their warlike plans until the Government could intercede with their enemies; his guests agreed only on condition that he would send a message influence in the winning of the Southwest, overshadow-ing that of any other individual, should be better known; his outstanding qualities were recognized by his contemporaries, and being a former officer in the army and respected at the post, the officers at Fort Gibson gave him a military funeral with all the pomp the surroundings permitted, and buried him in the cemetery at that post. He was revered by the Indians of many tribes, and their grief is recounted by Gregg, when the latter visited Chouteau’s fort the next spring.
Citations:
- Major Chouteau estimated that in 1836 there were forty-five hundred Comanche and fifteen hundred Kiowa warriors in these two tribes, indicating a population of thirty-six thousand individuals.[
] - Chouteau to Stokes and Arbuckle, April 19, 1836, and April 25, 1836, Indian Office, Choctaw Agency, Western Superintendency, 1836, S 275.[]
- P. L., Chouteau to Armstrong, Feb. 1, 1837, Indian Office, Western Superintendency, 1837, A 131.[]
- Jack Ivey is frequently mentioned by early trappers and explorers and was a well known figure among the Indians. John Ivey accompanied James to the west in 1821, and again in 1823 to the Comanche country [James, op. cit., 98, 197, 198], where he was well received by the Indians, and was probably among those who remained in that country when James returned home.[]
- U.S. Senate. Executive Documents, 32d congress, second session, no. 54, Explorations of the Red River of Louisiana in the year 1852, by Randolph B. Marcy, p. 103.[]
- The following winter Major-general McComb, commander-in-chief of the army, submitted to Congress a new and comprehensive plan for the defense of the western frontier [U.S. House. Documents, 25th congress, second session, no. 311]. He proposed the building of a number of new army posts and a system of railroads to facilitate the removal of troops to meet emergencies. One road proposed by the plan was to run directly from Saint Louis to Fort Gibson; another from Memphis to Little Rock and thence to Fort Gibson, extending up the Arkansas River to a new post to be located on the upper part of that stream at the western boundary of the United States; the site of this proposed new post is approximately that of the subsequently located Fort Dodge, Kansas.[]
- Bonneville to Jones, Adjutant-general, January 24, 1837, Indian Office, Western Superintendency, 1S37, A. 120.[]
- Stokes to Poinsett, Secretary of War, May 30, 1837, Indian Office 1837, Fort Gibson, Western Superintendency, S. 385.[]
- U.S. House. Executive Documents, 25th congress, second session, no. 3, Report of Secretary of War, p. 598, Report from the Office of Indian Affairs, December 1, 1837.[]
- After his death, his estate was paid by the Government $3049.25 for his services as Commissioner to the western Indians, and five thousand dollars was paid for presents made by him and his brother, P. L. Chouteau, to the Indians.[]
- Army and Navy Chronicle (Washington), vol. iv, 318.[]
- Stokes to Poinsett, Sept. 8, 1837, Indian Office, Western Superintendency, S 576.[]
- Kappler, op. cit., vol. ii, 363.[]
- Even Samuel Houston himself, now president of the Republic of Texas, was using his friendship with the Creeks and Cherokee to enlist them on the side of Texas in her contest against Mexico. Superintendent Armstrong sent to Washington a copy of Houston’s letter intercepted in the hands of a Creek chief, with a report [William Armstrong to C. A. Harris, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 10, 1837, Indian Orhce, Choctaw Agency, 1837 A 174] in which he said: “The Creeks as well as Cherokees have a great disposition to engage in the contest between the Texans and Mexicans, and there is those amongst them, more especially with the Cherokees who are secretly encouraging such a design. It is calculated to operate injuriously upon the Indians, to have anything to do with this contest, thereby withdrawing them from their proper pursuits, and calculated to alienate their confidence from the Government of the United States.”[]
- Colonel Chouteau, who had his trading post at Camp Holmes about five miles northeast of where Purcell, Oklahoma, now is, called the place Fort Mason, for Major Mason who established it. It was commonly known by both names.[]
- Chouteau to Harris, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 28, 1838, Indian Office, Fort Mason, Western Superintendency 1838, C 757.[]