Apalachee Indian Tribe

The third Muskhogean group to be considered is known to history imder the name Apalachee, a word which in Hitchiti, a related dialect, seems to signify “on the other side.” The Apalachee proper occupied, when first discovered, a portion of what is now western Florida, between Ocilla River on the east and the Ocklocknee and its branches on the west. They probably extended into what is now the State of Georgia for a short distance, but their center was in the region indicated, northward of Apalachee Bay. Tallahassee, the present State capital of Florida, is nearly in the center of their ancient domain.

A fair idea of the number and names of their towns may be obtained from the lists of missions made in the years 1655 1 and 1680. 2 The first of these contains the following Apalachee missions, together with their distances in leagues from St. Augustine:

• San Lorenzo de Apalache 75
• San Francisco de Apalache 77
• La Concepci6n de Apalache 77
• San Josef de Apalache 84
• San Juan de Apalache 86
• San Pedro y San Pablo de Kpal [Kpal evidently for Apal] 87
• San Cosme y San Damidn 90
• San Luis de Apalache 88
• San Martin de Apalache 87

Fortunately the second list gives native names also. In this the missions are classified by provinces, but no distances appear. The following are enumerated in the “Provincia de Apalache,” the order having been altered to agree as far as possible with that in the first mission list:

• San Lorenzo de Ybithachucu.
• Nuestra Señora de La Purissima Conçepçión de Ajubali.
• San Françisco de Oconi.
• San Joseph de Ocuia.
• San Joan de Ospalaga.
• San Pedro y San Pablo de Patali.
• San Antonio de Bacuqua.
• San Cosme y San Damian de Yecambi.
• San Carlos de los Chacatos, conversion nueva.
• Sun Luis de Talimali.
• Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria de la Tama, conversion nueva.
• San Pedro do los Chines, conversion nueva.
• San Martin de Tomoli.
• Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafun.

There is little doubt that the missions of this second list corresponding with those of the former are pure Apalachee — i. e., the first six, the eighth, the tenth, and the thirteenth. The omission of the name Apalachee after San Cosme and San Damian in the first is probably due to lack of space in the original text. After the preceding name it is abbre-viated. San Antonio de Bacuqua was also in all probability Apalachae, a town missionized later than the others. San Carlos de los Chacatos was of course the mission among the neighboring Chatot Indians, and Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria de la Tama that among the Tama or Tamałi. The Chines appear to have been another foreign tribe, though, like the rest, of Muskhogean origin. There are few references to them. The last mission on the list, Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafun, seems from other evidence to have been located in a true Apalachee town established in later times on the banks of the Apalachicola River and thus to the westward of the original Apalachee country. Since tafa was a name for “town” pecuhar to the Apalachee dialect, of which tafun would be the objective form, and ichu, itcu, or itco a common Muskhogean word for “deer,” it is probable that the native name signifies “Deer town.” The settlement may have been made at this place because deer were plentiful there.

In addition to the above we have notice in two or three places of a mission called Santa Maria. The Van Loon map of 1705 has a legend stating that this mission had been destroyed by the Alabama in the year in which the map was published. About the same time (1702) we hear of a town called Santa Fe. 3 In 1677 there existed a mission called San Damian de Cupayca. The town is mentioned in a letter of 1639. 4 San Marcos belongs to a later period.

We have, besides, the native names of some towns not identified with the mission stations. They are Iniahica, Calahuchi, Uzela, Ochete, Aute, Yapalaga, Bacica, Talpatqui, Capola, and Ilcombe. The first four appear only in the De Soto narratives. Iniahica is spelled Iviahica by Ranjel, Iniahico by Biedma, and is given as Anhayca Apalache by Elvas. 5 It can not be identified in later documents and the name may be in Timucua. Calahuchi is mentioned by Ranjel 6 and Uzela by Elvas. 7 Ochete is located by Elvas 8 leagues south of Iniahica 8 . Aute was a town visited by Narvaez, eight or nine days journey south, or probably rather southwest, of the main Apalachee towns. 9 Garcilasso gives this appellation to the town of Ochete, but the distance of the latter from the main Apalachee towns does not at all agree with that given for the Aute of Narvaez. Yapalaga is entered on most of the more detailed maps of the eighteenth century. Bacica, as well as Bacuqua, already given in the mission lists, seems to have been somewhat removed from the other Apalachee towns, yet probably belonged to them. Its name is perpetuated in Wacissa River and town. Talpatqui appears in the Apalachee letter of 1688. 10 Possibly it was identical with Talimali and therefore with San Luis. Capola and Ilcombe appear as Apalachee towns on the Popple map of 1733. As the first of these resembles Sapello and the second is given in South CaroUna documents as the name of a Yamasee chief, “the Ilcombe king” 11 it is probable that they had moved from the Guale coast in later times. The Apalachee town of Oconi, although missionized as early as 1655, may also have been an adopted town, part of the Oconee tribe to be mentioned later. A town called Machaba, which is located on many maps not far from the Apalachee settlements, was really Timucua. Although perhaps not as prominent toward the close of Apalachee history as San Luis de Talimali Ibitachuco, the San Lorenzo de Ybithachucu of the missionaries, has the longest traceable history. It appears as far back as the De Soto narratives in the forms Ivitachuco, Uitachuco, and Vitachuco, although Garcilasso, our authority for the last form, bestows it upon a Timucua chief instead of an Apalachee town. 12 In a letter of 1677 it appears as Huistachuco, 13 in the mission list above given Ybithachuco, and in the Apalachee letter written to Charles II in 1688 Ybitachuco. 14 Finally, Colonel Moore, who destroyed it, writes the name Ibitachka. 15 Ajubali is noted more often under the forms Ayaville or Ayubale.

Very little has been preserved regarding the ethnology of the Apalachee. Their culture was midway between that of the Florida tribes and their own Muskhogean relatives to the north. Writing in 1673 one of the governors of Florida says of their dress:

The men wear only bark and skin clothing and the women small cloaks (goaipiles), which they make of the roots of trees.

These last must have been similar to, if not identical with, the mulberry bark garments. From what the De Soto chroniclers say of the change in domestic architecture which they encountered in south-central Georgia it is evident that the Apalachee were associated in this feature rather with the southern than with the northern tribes.

Fontaneda makes a few brief remarks regarding the customs of the Apalachee, 16 but it is secondhand information obtained through the south Florida Indians and of little value.

The first historical reference to the Apalachee is in Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative of the Narvaez expedition. On their way north through the central part of the Florida Peninsula in the spring of 1528 the explorers met some Indians who led them to their village, and “there,” says Cabeza de Vaca, ”we found many boxes for merchandize from Castilla. In every one of them was a corpse covered with painted deer hides. The commissary thought this to be some idolatrous practice, so he burnt the boxes with the corpses. We also found pieces of linen and cloth, and feather headdresses that seemed to be from New Spain, and samples of gold.” The narrative continues as follows:

We Inquired of the Indians (by signs) whence they had obtained these things and they gave us to understand that very far from there, was a province called Apalachen, in which there was much gold. They also signified to us that in that province we would find everything we held in esteem. They said that in Apalachen there was plenty. 17

The form “Apalachen” here given seems to contain the Muskhogean objective ending –n, which by a stranger would often be taken over as a necessary part of the word. The people among whom the Spaniards then were, were Timucua, therefore the mistake was perhaps on the part of the Indians, but more likely it is the form as heard by the Spaniards afterwards from the Apalachee themselves. The Spaniards contmued their journey in search of this province and “came in sight of Apalachen without having been noticed by the Indians of the land” on the day after St. John’s Day. 18

Cabeza continues thus:

Once in sight of Apalachen, the governor commanded me to enter the village with nine horsemen and fifty foot. So the inspector and I undertook this. Upon penetrating into the village we found only women and boys. The men were not there at the time, but soon, while we were walking about they came and began to fight, shooting arrows at us. They killed the inspector’s horse, but finally fled and left us. We found there plenty of ripe maize ready to be gathered and much dry corn already housed. We also found many deer skins and among them mantles made of thread and of poor quality, with which the women cover parts of their bodies. They had many vessels [mortars] for grinding [or rather pounding] maize. The village contained forty small and low houses, reared in sheltered places, out of fear of the great storms that continuously occur in the country. The buildings are of straw, and they are surrounded by dense timber, tall trees and numerous water-pools, where there were so many fallen trees and of such size as to greatly obstruct and impede circulation. 19

Below he adds:

In the province of Apalachen the lagunes are much larger than those we found previously. There is much maize in this province and the houses are scattered all over the country as much as those of the Gelves. 20

Following is the account of the rest of their dealings with the Apalachee:

Two hours after we arrived at Apalachen the Indians that had fled came back peaceably, begging us to give back to them their women and children, which we did. The governor, however, kept with him one of their caciques, at which they became so angry as to attack us the following day. They did it so swiftly and with so much audacity as to set fire to the lodges we occupied, but when we sallied forth they fled to the lagunes nearby, on account of which and of the big corn patches we could not do them any harm beyond killing one Indian. The day after Indians from a village on the other side came and attacked us in the same manner, escaping in the same way, with the loss of a single man.

We remained at this village for 25 days, making three excursions during the time. We found the country very thinly inhabited and difficult to march through, owing to bad places, timber, and lagunes. We inquired of the cacique whom we had retained and of the other Indians with us (who were neighbors and enemies of them) about the condition and settlements of the land, the quality of its people, about supplies, and everything else. They answered, each one for himself, that Apalachen was the largest town of all; that further in less people were met with who were very much poorer than those here, and that the country was thinly settled, the inhabitants greatly scattered, and also that further inland big lakes, dense forests, great deserts, and wastes were met with.

Then we asked about the land to the south, its villages and resources. They said that in that direction and nine days’ march toward the sea was a village called Aute, where the Indians had plenty of corn and also beans and melons, and that, being so near the sea, they obtained fish and that those were their friends. Seeing how poor the country was, taking into account the unfavorable reports about its population and everything else, and that the Indians made constant war upon us, wounding men and horses whenever they went for water (which they could do from the lagunes where we could not reach them) by shooting arrows at us; that they had killed a chief of Tuzcuco called Don Pedro, whom the commissary had taken along with him, we agreed to depart and go in search of the sea, and of the village of Aute, which they had mentioned. And so we left, arriving there five days after. The first day we traveled across lagunes and trails without seeing a single Indian.

On the second day, however, we reached a lake very difficult to cross, the water reaching to the chest, and there were a great many fallen trees. Once in the middle of it, a number of Indians assailed us from behind trees that concealed them from our sight, while others were on fallen trees, and they began to shower arrows upon us, so that many men and horses were wounded, and before we could get out of the lagune our guide was captured by them. After we had got out, they pressed us very hard, intending to cut us off, and it was useless to turn upon them, for they would hide in the lake and from there wound both men and horses.

So the Governor ordered the horsemen to dismount and attack them on foot. The purser dismounted also, and our people attacked them. Again they fled to a lagune, and we succeeded in holding the trail. In this fight some of our people were wounded in spite of their good armor. There were men that day who swore they had seen two oak trees, each as thick as the calf of a leg, shot through and through by arrows, which is not suprising if we consider the force and dexterity with which they shoot. I myself saw an arrow that had penetrated the base of a poplar tree for half a foot in length. All the many Indians from Florida we saw were archers, and, being very tall and naked, at a distance they appeared giants.

Those people are wonderfully built, very gaunt and of great strength and agility. Their bows are as thick as an arm, from eleven to twelve spans long, shooting an arrow at 200 paces with unerring aim. From that crossing we went to another similar one, a league away, but while it was half a league in length it was also much more difficult. There we crossed without opposition, for the Indians, having spent all their arrows at the first place, had nothing wherewith they would dare attack us. The next day, while crossing a similar place, I saw the tracks of people who went ahead of us, and I notified the Govemor, who was in the rear, so that, although the Indians turned upon us, as we were on our guard, they could do us no harm. Once on open ground they pursued us still. We attacked them twice, killing two, while they wounded one and two or three other Christians, and entered the forest again, where we could no longer injure them.

In this manner we marched for eight days, without meeting any more natives until one league from the site to which I said we were going. There, as we were marching along, Indians crept up unseen and fell upon our rear. A boy belonging to a nobleman, called Avellaneda, who was in the rear guard, gave the alarm. Avellaneda turned back to assist, and the Indians hit him with an arrow on the edge of the cuirass, piercing his neck nearly through, so that he died on the spot, and we carried him to Aute. It took us nine days from Apalchen to the place where we stopped. And then we found that all the people had left and the lodges were burnt. But there was plenty of maize, squash, and beans, all nearly ripe and ready for harvest. We rested there for two days.

After this the governor entzeated me to go in search of the sea, as the Indians said it was so near by, and we had, on this march, already suspected its proximity from a great river to which we had given the name of the Rio de la Magdalena. I left on the following day in search of it, accompanied by the commissary, the captain Castillo, Andrés Dorantes, 7 horsemen, and 50 foot. We marched until sunset, reaching an inlet or arm of the sea, where we found plenty of oysters on which the people feasted, and we gave many thanks to God for bringing us there.

The next day I sent 20 men to reconnoiter the coast and explore it, who returned on the day following at nightfall, saying that these inlets and bays were very large and went so far inland as greatly to impede our investigations, and that the coast was still at a great distance. Hearing this and considering how ill prepared we were for the task, I returned to where the governor was. We found him sick, together with many others. The night before Indians had made an attack, putting them in great stress, owing to their enfeebled condition. The Indians had also killed one of their horses. 21

The next day they left Aute and, with great exertion, reached the spot where Cabeza de Vaca had come out on the Gulf. It was determined to build boats and leave the country, but meanwhile, in order to provide themselves with sufficient provisions, they made four raids upon Aute “and they brought as many as 400 fanegas of maize, although not without armed opposition from the Indians.” 22 Our author adds that “during that time some of the party went to the coves and inlets for sea food, and the Indians surprised them twice, killing ten of our men in plain view of the camp without our being able to prevent it. We found them shot through and through with arrows, for, although several wore good armor, it was not sufficient to protect them, since, as I said before, they shot their arrows with such force and precision.” 23 Near the end of September, 1628, they embarked in five barges and left the country, coasting along toward the west, and having nothing further to do with Apalachee or its inhabitants. The narrative given by Oviedo 24 is practically the same; that in the “Relacion” published in the Documentos Ineditos 25 is even briefer.

The next we learn of the Province of Apalachee is from the chroniclers of the great expedition of De Soto. Ranjel, who is generally the most reliable, gives the following account:

On Wednesday, the first of October, [1639] the Governor Hernando de Soto, started from Agile and came with his soldiers to the river or swamp of Ivitachuco, and they made a bridge; and in the high swamp grass on the other side there was an ambuscade of Indians, and they shot three Christians with arrows. They finished crossing this swamp on the Friday following at noon and a horse was drowned there. At nightfall they reached Ivitachuco and found the village in flames, for the Indians had set fire to it. Sunday, October 5, they came to Calahuchi, and two Indians and one Indian woman were taken and a large amount of dried venison. There the guide whom they had ran away. The next day they went on, taking for a guide an old Indian who led them at random, and an Indian woman took them to Iviahica, and they found all the people gone. And the next day two captains went on further and found all the people gone.

Johan de Afiasco started out from that village and eight leagues from it he found the port where Pamphilo de Narvaez had set sail in the vessels which he made. He recognized it by the headpieces of the horses and the place where the forge was set up and the mangers and the mortars that they used to grind corn and by the crosses cut in the trees.

They spent the winter there, and remained until the 4th of March, 1540, in which time many notable things befell them with the Indians, who are the bravest of men and whose great courage and boldness the discerning reader may imagine from what follows. For example, two Indians once rushed out against eight men on horseback; twice they set the village on fire; and with ambuscades they repeatedly killed many Christians, and although the Spaniards pursued them and burned them they were never willing to make peace. If their hands and noses were cut off they made no more account of it than if each one of them had been a Mucins Scaevola of Rome. Not one of them, for fear of death, denied that he belonged to Apalache; and when they were taken and were asked from whence they were they replied proudly: “From whence am I? I am an Indian of Apalache.” And they gave one to understand that they would be insulted if they were thought to be of any other tribe than the Apalaches.24

Farther on we read:

The Province of Apalache is very fertile and abundantly provided with supplies with much corn, kidney beans, pumpkins, various fruits, much venison, many varieties of birds and excellent fishing near the sea; and it is a pleasant country, though there are swamps, but these have a hard sandy bottom. 26

The account in Elvas is as follows:

The next day, the first of October, the Grovemor took his departure in the morning, and ordered a bridge to be made over a river, which he had to cross. The depth there, for a stone’s throw, was over the head, and afterward the water came to the waist, for the distance of a crossbow-shot, where was a growth of tall and dense forest, into which the Indians came, to ascertain if they could assail the men at work and prevent a passage; but they were dispersed by the arrival of crossbow-men, and some timbers being thrown in, the men gained the opposite side and secured the way. On the fourth day of the week, Wednesday of St. Francis, the Governor crossed over and reached Uitachuco, a town subject to Apalache, where he slept. He found it burning, the Indians having set it on fire.

Thenceforward the country was well inhabited, producing much corn, the way leading by many habitations like villages. Sunday, the twenty-fifth of October, he arrived at the town of Uzela, and on Monday at Anhayca Apalache, where the lord of all that country and Province resided. The Camp-master, whose duty it is to divide and lodge the men, quartered them about the town, at the distance of half a league to a league apart. There were other towns which had much maize, pumpkins, beans, and dried plums of the country, whence were brought together at Anhayca Apalache what appeared to be sufficient provision for the winter, 27 These ameixas [persimmons] are better than those of Spain, and come from trees that grow in the fields without being planted.

Below we read:

The Governor ordered planks and spikes to be taken to the coast for building a piragua, into which thirty men entered well armed from the bay, going to and coming from sea, waiting the arrival of the brigantines, and sometimes fighting with the natives, who went up and down the estuary in canoes. On Saturday, the twenty-ninth of November, in a high wind, an Indian passed through the sentries undiscovered, and set fire to the town, two portions of which, in consequence, were instantly consumed.

On Sunday, the twenty-eighth of December, Juan de Añasco arrived; and the Governor directed Francisco Maldonado, Captain of Infantry, to run the coast to the westward with fifty men, and look for an entrance; proposing to go himself in that direction by land on discoveries. The same day, eight men rode two leagues about the town in pursuit of Indians, who had become so bold that they would venture up within crossbow-shot of the camp to kill our people. Two were discovered engaged in picking beans, and might have escaped, but a woman being present, the wife of one of them, they stood to fight. Before they could be killed, three horses were wounded, one of which died in a few days. 28

The balance of the narrative is practically the same as that of Ranjel.

The following is from Biedma:

Across this stream [on the confines of Apalache] we made a bridge, by lashing many pines together, upon which we went over with much danger, as there were Indians on the opposite side who disputed our passage; when they found, however, that we had landed, they went to the nearest town, called Ivitachuco, and there remained until we came in sight, when as we appeared they set all the place on fire and took to flight.

There are many towns in this Province of Apalache, and it is a land abundant in substance. They call all that other country we were travelling through, the Province of Ylistaga.

We went to another town, called Iniahico. 29

In Garcilasso’s Florida we have some additional information regarding the Apalachee Indians:

Alonso de Carmona, in his Peregrinacion, remarks in particular upon the fierceness of the Indians of the Province of Apalache, of whom he write is as follows, his words being exactly quoted: Those Indians of Apalache are very tall, very valiant and full of spirit; since, just as they showed themselves and fought with those who were with Pamphilo de Narvaez, and drove them out of the country in spite of themselves, they kept flying in our faces every day and we had daily brushes with them; and as they failed to make any headway with us, because our Governor was very brave, energetic, and experienced in Indian warfare, they concluded to withdraw to the woods in small bands, and as the Spaniards were going out for wood and were cutting it in the forest the Indians would come up at the sound of the axe and would kill the Spaniards and loose the chains of the Indians whom they brought to carry bark the cut wood and take the Spaniards’ scalps, which was what they most prized, to hang upon the arm of their bows with which they fought; and at the sound of the voices and of arms we would immediately repair thither, and we found the consequences of a lack of precaution. In that way they killed for us more than twenty soldiers, and this happened frequently. And I remember that one day seven horsemen went out from the camp to forage for food and to kill a little dog to eat; which we were used to do in that land, and a day that we got something we thought ourselves lucky; and not even pheasants ever tasted better to us. And going in search of these things they fell in with five Indians who were waiting for them with bows and arrows, and they drew a line on the ground and told them not to cross that or they would all die. And the Spaniards who would not take any fooling, attacked them, and the Indians shot off their bows and killed two horses and wounded two others, and also a Spaniard severely; and the Spaniards killed one of the Indians and the rest took to their heels and got away, for they are truly very nimble and are not impeded by the adornments of clothes, but rather are much helped by going bare. 30

After leaving Iviahica, De Soto came to the River Guacuca and later reached a province called Capachequi. It is uncertain what relation this and the subsequent places into which he came bore to the Apalachee. Probably most of them belonged to the people we now know as Hitchiti.

Pareja, the well-known missionary to the Timucua Indians, and another friar, Alonso de Peñaranda, state in letters, written in 1607, that the Apalachee had asked for missionaries that same year through the friars in Potano. Their statement that the Apalachee towns numbered 107 is, of course, a gross exaggeration. 31 We read that in 1609 more than 28 Timucua and Apalachee chiefs were begging for baptism.31 In 1622 an Englishman named Brigstock claims to have visited the “Apalachitas” and to have discovered near them a colony of English refugees. He published his narrative in 1644. It has received some credence from as noted a student as D. G. Brinton, but may now be dismissed as essentially a fabrication. 32 The need of missionaries to begin converting the Apalachee is frequently dwelt upon in documents written between 1607 and 1633, but it was not until the latter date that work was actually begun. A letter dated November 15, 1633, states that two monks had gone to the Province of Apalachee on October 16. It adds that these people had desired conversion for more than 20 years, that their country was 12 leagues in extent and contained 15,000 to 16,000 Indians, which last statement is of course another gross exaggeration, though indeed more moderate than one of 30,000 made in 1618 and another of 34,000 made in 1635.32 This last placed the number of Christian converts in the province at 5,000, probably more than the total Apalachee population. By a letter of September 12, 1638, we learn that conversions of Apalachee were greatly on the increase, 33 and Gov. Damian de Vega Castro y Pardo writes, August 22, 1639, that there had been more than a thousand conversions there, although there were still only two friars. He also states that he had made peace between the Apalachee and three tribes called Chacatos, Apalochocolos, and Amacanos, evidently the Chatot, Lower Creeks, and Yamasee. 34 Barcia informs us that the Apalachee made war upon the Spaniards in 1638, but were driven back into their own country, which was in turn invaded. 35 The documents of the time make no mention of this struggle and I think Barcia is in error, or more likely the notice is out of place. In 1647 a war did break out, however, attributed to the fact that the Spaniards were not giving the Indians as much as formerly, and also to the influence of some Chisca (Yuchi) Indians. At that time there were eight friars in the province and seven churches and convents. Eight of the chiefs, of whom there were said to be more than 40, had accepted the new faith. In the revolt three missionaries were killed and all of the churches and convents, with the sacred objects which they contained, were destroyed, and among the slain were the lieutenant of the province and his family. Capt. Don Martin de Cuera was sent against the rebels with a troop of soldiers, but his party was surrounded by a multitude of Indians and after a battle which lasted all day he was forced to return to St. Augustine for reinforcements. And then a strange thing happened, well illustrating the fickleness of the Indian nature. Francisco Menendez Marques, acting on advices privately received from the enemy’s country, went there in person secretly and put down the rebellion with comparative ease, assisted almost entirely, it would seem, by friendly Apalachee. Twelve of the ringleaders were killed, and 26 others condemned to labor on the fortifications of St. Augustine. The rest were pardoned, but with the understanding that they should send additional men to work on the fortifications of the capital. After this most of the Apalachee sought baptism. 36 The obligation to labor in St. Augustine is a constant source of complaint from this time on — sometimes by the Indians themselves; sometimes by the friars on their behalf. In 1656 there was an uprising among the Timucua Indians, which spread to the Apalachee, but it seems to have died out there without necessitating drastic measures, although we learn that a captain and 12 soldiers were placed in San Luis.33 In a letter written just after this war we are told that there were then six monks in the province,34 and by the mission list of two years earlier we find that they had nine missions to serve. In the memorial of a missionary named Fray Alonso de Moral, dated November 5, 1676, it is said that there had been 16,000 Apalachee Indians in 1638, and that at the date of writing they were reduced to 5,000, 37 but it may be considered doubtful whether they ever numbered more than the latter figure. In 1677 a body of Apalachee undertook a successful expedition against some Chisca (Yuchi) Indians living to the westward who had committed depredations upon their settlements. The full account of it is given elsewhere. 38 In 1681 Gov. Cabrera notes that he had stopped the ball game among the Apalachee Indians as a heathenish practice inimical to their well being. January 21, 1688, is noteworthy as the date on which a letter in the Spanish and Apalachee languages was written for transmission to King Charles II. This has fortunately been preserved, and it contains practically all of the Apalachee language known to be in existence. 39 The chiefs of the Apalachee express their pleasure at having missionaries among them and at being relieved from the former burdensome labors they were compelled to undergo in St. Augustine. That this relief was only temporary, however, is shown by an appeal, dated Vitachuco, February 28, 1701, made by “Nanhula Chuba, Don Patricio, chief of the [Apalachee] Indians” to Gov. Qiroga y Losada, in the name of all of the Apalachee chiefs, begging to be relieved from work on the fortifications of St. Augustine. 40 From an entry in Barclays history it would seem that final relief was not granted before 1703, 41 and as the Apalachee Nation was nearly destroyed at about the same period, few were benefited by it. The attacks of northern Indians, instigated by English in Carolina, were increasing in frequency and violence. March 20, 1702, Gov. Zuñiga writes that infidel Indians had attacked the town of Santa Fe in the Apalachee province and, though driven off, had burned the church.40

The first encounter on a large scale between the English and their allies on the one hand and the Apalachee and Spaniards took place in the following manner, as related by an English chronicler:

In 1702, before Queen Anne’s Declaration of War was known in these Parts, the Spaniards formed another Design to fall upon our Settlements by Land, at the Head of Nine Hundred Apalachee Indians from thence. The Creek Indians, in Friendship with this Province, coming at a Knowledge of it, and sensible of the Dangers approaching, acquainted our Traders, then in the Nation with it, when this Army was actually on their March coming down that way. The Traders having thereupon encourag’d the Creeks to get together an Army of Five Hundred Men, headed the same, and went out to meet the other. Both Armies met in an Evening on the Side of Flint-River, a Branch of the Chatabooche [Chattahoochee], In the Morning, just before Break of Day (when Indians are accustomed to make their Attacks) the Creeks stirring, up their Fires drew back at a Little Distance leaving their Blankets by the Fires in the very same Order as they had slept. Immediately after the Spaniards and Apalatchees (as was expected) coming on to attack them, fired and run in upon the Blankets. Thereupon the Creeks rushing forth fell on them, killed and took the greatest Part, and entirely routed them. To this Stratagem was owing the Defeat of the then intended Design. 42

Shortly after this affair, in the winter of 1703-4, occurred the great Apalachee disaster, the invasion of Apalachia by Col. Moore with a body of 50 volunteers from South Carolina and 1,000 Creek auxiliaries, and the almost complete breaking up of the Apalachee Nation. The best account of this is printed in the second volume of Carroll’s Historical Collections of South Carolina 43 under the following heading: ”An Account of What the Army Did, under the Command of Col. Moore, in His Expedition Last Winter, against the Spaniards and Spanish Indians in a Letter from the Said Col. Moore to the Governor of Carolina. Printed in the Boston News, May 1, 1704.” It runs as follows:

To the Governor of Carolina:

May it please your honour to accept of this short narrative of what I, with the army under my command, have been doing since my departure from the Ockomulgee, on the 19th 44 of December [1703].

On the 14th of December we came to a town, and strong and almost regular fort, about Sun rising called Ayaville. At our first approach the Indians in it fired and shot arrows at us briskly; from which we sheltered ourselves under the side of a great Mud-walled house, till we could take a view of the fort, and consider of the best way of assaulting it: which we concluded to be, by breaking the church door, which made a part of the fort, with axes. I no sooner proposed this, but my men readily undertook it: ran up to it briskly (the enemy at the same time shooting at them), were beaten off without effecting it, and fourteen white men wounded. Two hours after that we thought fit to attempt the burning of the church, which we did, three or four Indians assisting us. The Indians obstinately defending themselves, killed us two men, viz. Francis Plowden and Thomas Dale. After we were in their fort, a fryar, the only white in it, came forth and begged mercy. In this we took about twenty-six men alive, and fifty-eight women and children. The Indians took about as many more of each sort. The fryar told us we killed, in the two storms of the fort, twenty-five men.

The next morning the captain of St. Lewis Fort, with twenty-three men and four hundred Indians, came to fight us, which we did; beat him; took him and eight of his men prisoners; and, as the Indians, which say it, told us, killed five or six whites. We have a particular account from our Indians of one hundred and sixty-eight Indian men killed and taken in the fight; but the Apalatchia Indians say they lost two hundred, which we have reason to believe to be the least. Capt. John Bellinger, fighting bravely at the head of our men was killed at my foot. Capt. Fox dyed of a wound given him at the first storming of the fort. Two days after, I sent to the cassique of the Ibitachka, who, with one hundred and thirty men, was in his strong and well made fort, to come and make his peace with me, the which he did, and compounded for it with his church’s plate, and ten horses laden with provisions. After this, I marched through five towns, which had all strong forts, and defences against small arms. They all submitted and surrendered their forts to me without condition. I have now in my company all the whole people of three towns, and the greatest part of four more. We have totally destroyed all the people of four towns; so that we have left the Apalatchia but that one town which compounded with one part of St. Lewis; and the people of one town, which run away altogether: their town, church and fort, we burnt. The people of St. Lewis come to me every night. I expect and have advice that the town which compounded with me are coming after me. The waiting for these people make my marches slow; for I am willing to bring away with me, free, as many of the Indians as I can, this being the address of the commons to your honour to order it so. This will make my men’s part of plunder (which otherwise might have been 100£ to a man) but small. But I hope with your honour’s assistance to find a way to gratifie them for their loss of blood. I never see or hear of a stouter or braver thing done, than the storming of the fort. It hath regained the reputation we seemed to have lost under the conduct of Robert Macken, the Indians now having a mighty value for the whites. Apalatchia is now reduced to so feeble and low a condition, that it can neither support St. Augustine with provisions, nor distrust, endamage or frighten us: our Indians living between the Apalatchia and the French. In short, we have made Carolina as safe as the conquest of Apalatchia can make it.

If I had not so many men wounded in our first attempt, I had assaulted St. Lewis fort, in which is about 28 or 30 men, and 20 of these came thither from Pensacola to buy provisions the first night after I took the first fort.

On Sabbath, the 23d instant, I came out of Apalatchia settle, and am now about 30 miles on my way home; but do not expect to reach it before the middle of March, notwithstanding my horses will not be able to carry me to the Cheeraque’s Mountain. I have had a tedious duty, and uneasy journey; and though I have no reason to fear any harm from the enemy, through the difference between the whites, and between Indians and Indians, bad way and false alarms, I do labour under hourly uneasiness. The number of free Apalatchia Indians that are now under my protection, and bound with me to Carolina, are 1300, and 100 slaves. The Indians under my command killed and took prisoners on the plantations, whilst we stormed the fort, as many Indians as we and they took and killed in the fort.

Dated in the woods 50 miles north and east of Apalatchia.

An account of this from the Spanish side is contained in a letter to the king written by Governor Don José do Zuniga, March 30, 1704, though there is a discrepancy in the dates, which differences in calendar do not seem fully to account for. The mention of Guale is evidently a mistake; probably Ayaville is intended. He says:

After the late siege of St. Augustine the enemy invaded San Jose and San Francisco, destroying everything in their path, killing many Indians and carrying with them over 500 prisoners.

They returned afterward, accompanied by the English who laid siege to this fort and invaded the province of Apalachee, destroying all the lands. They then assaulted Guale, on the 25th of January of the present year, which was vigorously defended by the Indians and the clergyman, Fray Angol de Miranda, who bravely defended the position, fighting from early in the morning until two o’clock in the afternoon, when their ammunition was exhausted. The enemy then advanced through the passage adjoining the church, which they set on fire, gaining possession of the passage.

On the 26th I sent my lieutenant, Juan Ruiz, with thirty Spanish soldiers mounted and four hundred Indians. They attacked the enemy, inflicting a loss upon them of seven Englishmen and about one hundred Indians killed, besides others that were killed by Fray Miranda and his Indians. But our men having run out of ammunition they were in their turn finally defeated. My lieutenant was wounded by a shot that knocked him down from his horse, and the clergyman, Fray Juan de Parga, together with two soldiers, were killed. The rest of the force withdrew, leaving in the hands of the enemy, my lieutenant, eight soldiers, and a few Indians as prisoners, whom the infidels treated in the most cruel and barbarous manner. After having bound the unfortunate Indian prisoners, by the hands and feet to a stake, they set fire to them, when they were burned up alive. This horrible sight was witnessed by my lieutenant and soldiers, who, naked, were tied up in the stocks. Only Fray Angel de Miranda was free….

The affliction of the clergymen is great, and they have written to me and to their prelate urging that they be moved away from the danger that threatens them….

The enemy released the clergyman, the lieutenant, and four soldiers, but with the understanding that each one was to pay a ransom of four hundred dollars, five cows, and five horses. But the captain whom my lieutenant had left in his place, in charge of the defence of the strong house at San Luis, sent word to the English governor that he would not send him anything. Finally, sir, the governor withdrew with his forces without attacking the Strong House, but not before he had succeeded in destroying five settlements, carrying with him the Indians of two of them, together with all the cattle, horses, and everything else that they could carry. The Indians that abandoned their settlements and went away with the enemy numbered about six hundred.

The enemy carried away the arms, shotguns, pistols, and horses, and with flags of peace marched upon the Strong House at old San Luis in order to ill treat the captain that was stationed there. 45

The only satisfactory French account is contained in a letter written by Bienville to his Government. This also contains the best statement relative to the settlement of a part of the Apalachee refugees near Mobile. I venture to translate it as follows:

The Apalachee have been entirely destroyed by the English and the savages. They made prisoners thirty-two Spaniards, who formed a garrison there, besides which they had seventeen burned, including three Franciscan fathers (Peres Cordelliers), and have killed and made prisoner six or seven thousand Apalachee, the tribe which inhabited this country, and have killed more than six thousand head of cattle and other domestic animals such as horses and sheep. The Spaniards have burned the little fortress which they had there and have all retired to St. Augustine. Of all the Apalachee savages there have escaped only four hundred persons who have taken refuge in our river and have asked my permission to sow there and establish a village. Another nation, named Chaqueto, which was established near Pansacola, has also come to settle in our river. They number about two hundred persons. I asked them why they left the Spaniards. They told me that they did not give them any guns, but that the French gave them to all of their allies. The English have drawn over to themselves all of the savages who were near the castle of St. Augustine, among whom there were Spanish missionaries. There remain to them [the Spaniards] at present only two or three allied villages of the savages. The English intend to return to besiege the castle of St. Augustine, according to information which I have received from the governor of the said castle, and they also threaten to make the French withdraw from Mobille. If they come here, which I do not believe, they will not make us withdraw easily. 46

Farther on we learn that the Spanish governor had offered the chiefs of the Apalachee and Chatot very considerable presents to return to Florida, but they refused, 47 stating that the French protected them better. This was written July 28, 1706, which tends to confirm Pénicaut’s statement that the removal occurred toward the end of 1705. 48 He adds that Bienville furnished them with corn with which to plant their first crop. The first mention of Apalachee in the register of the old Cathohc church in Mobile records the baptism of a little Apalachee boy on September 6, 1706. 49

Pénicaut has the following to say regarding these Apalachee:

The Apalacheis perform divine service like the Catholics in France. Their grand feast is on the day of St. Louis; 50 they come the evening before to ask the officers of the fort to come to the fete in their village, and they extend great good cheer on that day to all who come there, especially to the French.

The priests of our fort go there to perform high mass, which they listen to with much devotion, singing the psalms in Latin, as is done in France, and, after dinner, vespers and the benediction of the Holy Sacrament. Men and women are there that day very well dressed. The men have a kind of cloth overcoat and the women cloaks, skirts of silk stuff after the French manner, except that they do not have head coverings, their heads being uncovered; their hair, long and very black, is braided and hangs in one or two plaits behind after the manner of the Spanish women. Those who have too long hair bend it back as far as the middle of the back and tie it with a ribbon.

They have a church, where one of our French priests goes to say mass Sundays and feast days; they have a baptismal font, in which to baptize their infants, and a cemetery side of the church, in which there is a cross, where they are buried.

Toward evening, on St. Louis’s day, after the service is finished, men, women, and children dress in masks; they dance the rest of the day with the French who are there, and the other savages who come that day to their village; they have quantities of food cooked with which to regale them. They love the French very much, and it must be confessed that they have nothing of the savage except their language, which is a mixture of the language of the Spaniards and of the Alibamons. 51

Meantime the Apalachee carried away by Moore had been settled near New Windsor, South Carolina, below what is now Augusta, Georgia, where they remained until 1715, the year of the Yamasee uprising. When that outbreak occurred, the Apalachee, as might have been anticipated, joined the hostiles, and from then on they disappear from English colonial history.

However, the greater part of these revolted Apalachee evidently settled first near the Lower Creeks, a faction of whom opposed the English. In the following letter to the crown from Gov. Juan de Ayala of Florida we get a view of the struggle between these two factions, and the apparent victory of that in the English interest, and in that fact we have an evident reason for the return of the Apalachee to Florida which soon took place. He says:

I beg to report to Y. M. that on the 10th of July of the present year [1717] there came to pledge obedience to Y. M., Osingulo, son and heir of the Emperor of Caveta, accompanied by Talialicha, 52 the great general and captain of war, and the cacique Adrian [the Apalachee chief], who is a Christian, together with fifty-seven Indians their subjects. They asked me for arms and ammunition for themselves and their people as there were many who were in need of them.

Their entrance having been made with great public ostentation, I ordered a salute to be fired by the guns of the royal fort. They reached the government houses amidst great rejoicings and their usual dance and song, ”La Paloma,” escorted by a body of infantry which I had sent out to meet them. Myself, together with all the ministers and the officers of this garrison, received them at the door of my residence. All of which will more extensively appear in the written testimony which I herewith enclose.

They were splendidly treated and feasted during the time they remained here, not only on account of Y. M., but also on my own and that of the city, I giving over my own residence to the caciques, in order to please them and to induce them to return satisfied. These attentions proved to be of great importance, as I will mention further. They left here on the 26th of the same month of July, 53 and I sent with them, to go as far as their provinces, a retired officer, lieutenant of cavalry, named Diego Pena, with twelve soldiers, in order that they might procure, either by purchase or exchange, some horses for the company of this garrison, for which purpose they carried with them sufficient silver and goods and a very gorgeous and costly dress for the Emperor as a present, together with a cane and a fine hat with plumes. When they arrived at a place called Caveta, situated 160 leagues from this city, which is the residence of the Emperor, they found there twelve Englishmen and a negro from Carolina, of those who had been previously engaged in destroying the country, who were on horseback. They were there with presents for the Emperor in order to draw him to their side and turn him from this government and from the obedience pledged to Y. M. But when his son, the cacique, who had left here so much gratified, saw that his father, the Emperor, was consenting to the presence of the Englishmen there, he attempted to take up arms against his father. At the same time the dissatisfied Indians, those in favor of the English, were getting ready to fire on our aforesaid soldiers, which they would have done had not the said Osingulo and the great general of war, Talichaliche, together with the Christian cacique Adrian and the subjects of his towns, who were many, taken the part of the Spaniards and accompanied them back to this city, with the exception of the said Osingulo, who started hence for Pensacola in quest of arms and ammunition and men in order to drive the English away and punish those dissatisfied Indians who obeyed his father. 54

To all intents and purposes, then, the English faction, which included the head chief of Coweta, remained masters of the situation. Shortly afterwards we hear of bands of Apalachee asking permission to establish themselves near the Spanish settlements.

In 1717 a Spanish officer reports Apalachee dispersed in west Florida, near their former country. 55 A part of them removed, however, to Pensacola, probably to be near their congeners at Mobile.

Their chief, or their principal chief, was a certain Juan Marcos, and Barcia says that in 1718 —

He began to form a town of Apalachee Indians, the people of his own nation, in the place which they call the Rio de los Chiscas, 5 leagues from Santa Maria de Galve [Pensacola], which was named Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, and San Luis; for its peopling he sent the Apalache Indians who were in Santa Maria de Galve with the same rations that they had in the presidio; there came together in it more than a hundred persons; the number was increased every day; with many of the Apalache subject to Movila, who abandoned their lands and came to the new town, causing the poet great expense, because, as they did not have crops, it was necessary to give them daily rations of maize until the following year when they could gather fruits; Juan Marcos assured his governor that others would come who were waiting to harvest their crops to return to the authority of the king, from which the French had drawn them…. Friar Joseph del Castillo, one of the chaplains of the post, counseled Don Juan Pedro that he should ask the Provincial of Santa Elena for two curates who understood the language of Apalache well in order to teach the Indians in the new town of la Soledad. 56

Farther on we find the following among the items for the same year:

July 13 two Topocapa Indians came to Santa Maria de Galve, who had fled from Movila on account of the bad treatment of the French. Don Juan Pedro sent them to the new town of the Indians of their nation, which had been formed near the port of San Marcos de Apalache, because they were of a nation subject to the king, who had in their towns curates of the order of St. Francis of the province of Santa Elena, and all those who came in this manner he sent to the people of their own nation, entertained in accordance with their quality, from which they experienced great satisfaction. 57

It would seem from this that Topocapa was an Apalachee town or else a tribe supposed to be connected with the Apalachee. The new settlement near the port of San Marcos de Apalache seems to have been founded after La Soledad, partly in order to cover a new Spanish post. It was close to Apalachee Bay and therefore on the skirts of the old Apalachee country. Further information regarding the settlement of this place is given in the following words:

April 10 [1719] there arrived at Santa Maria de Galve the chief, Juan Marcos, governor of the new town of la Soledad, who returned from the city of St. Augustine, stating that he had come from founding another town of Apalaches, near the port of San Marcos. Don Juan Pedro gave him a garment and [he gave] another to the captain of the Yamacee, who arrived at the same time with some of his nation; the Indians left very well satisfied, and on the 17th the chief, Juan Marcos, took away to the new town many of the Indians of the town of la Soledad. Those who remained there, seeing that their governor was going, although he assured them he would soon return, discussed the election of a chief, but they did not agree further, and in order to avoid disturbances came to Don Juan Pedro that he might pacify them, and he commended them to their guardian Father that he should persuade them and that they should cease these disputes, cautioning them that he would not entrust to them ornaments of the church until a curate should be named for that particular town. 58

The new Apalachee settlements in Florida show their influence in the baptismal records of the old church at Mobile, for while there are many entries between 1704 and 1717, after that date there is a considerable falling off. 59 When Fort Toulouse was founded, about 1715, the Tawasa Indians, formerly neighbors of the Apalachee, settled near it among the Alabama. It is probable that some Apalachee accompanied them. At any rate a few known to be of Apalachee descent are still living among the Alabama near Weleetka, Oklahoma.

At a considerably later date we find two Apalachee towns in the territory which the tribe formerly occupied. Gov. Dionisio do la Vega, to whom we are indebted for information regarding these, represents them as Apalachee which had been left after the destruction of the province. Writing August 27, 1728, he says:

The entire province of Apalache became reduced to two towns. The one called Hamaste, distant two leagues from the fort [of San Marcos], had about sixty men, forty women, and about the same number of children who were being taught the doctrine. The other one, named San Juan de Guacara, which was its old name, had about ten men, six women, and four children, all Christians. 60

San Juan de Guacara was, however, originally a Timucua town, and the above settlement may have been Timucua miscalled “Apalache” by the governor, or they may have been Apalachee settled on the site of a former Timucua town. Hamaste was very likely the town established by Juan Marcos. De la Vega adds that these towns had revolted March 20, 1727, but he had learned that some of the Indians had “returned to their obedience,” while those still hostile had apparently withdrawn from the neighborhood of the fort.59 Most of those Apalachee who remained in Florida evidently gravitated at last to the vicinity of Pensacola, where they could also be near the Mobile band. We will now revert to these last.

As already stated, Bienville placed those Apalachee who sought his protection near the Mobile Indians, but their settlement was broken up by the Alabama and they took refuge near the new Fort Louis. Afterward Bienville assigned them lands on the River St. Martin, a league from the fort. “This,” says Hamilton, ”would be at our Three Mile Creek, probably extending to Chickasabogue, the St. Louis.” He adds that “The cellar of the priest’s house still exists behind a sawmill near Magazine Point.” 61 Some time before 1733 they made another change, perhaps because so many had gone to Pensacola. Says Hamilton:

We know that at some time they moved over across the bay from the city, where the eastern mouth of the Tensaw River still preserves their name. They seem to have lived in part on an island there, for in Spanish times it is mentioned as only recently abandoned. . . . Their main seat was at and above what we now know as Blakely. Bayou Solime probabIy commemorates Salome, so often named in the baptisma. 62

The last Apalachee baptismal notice in the registers of the parish church at Mobile is under date of 1751. 63

In his report of 1758 De Kerlerec says under the heading “Apataches” which is of course a misprint for Apalaches:

This nation of about 30 warriors is situated on the other (i. e., east) side of Mobile Bay. They are reduced to this small number on account of the quantity of drink which has been sold to them in trade at all times; they are Christians and have a curacy established among them administered by a Capuchin, who acquits himself of it very poorly.

This nation has been attached to us for a long time. It is divided into two bands, one of which is on Spanish territory, a dependence of Pensacola. The warriors who are allied with us (dependent de nous) are equally of great use in conveying the dispatches of Tombigbee and the Alabamas, especially this latter, where we send soldiers as little as possible on account of the too great ease with which they can desert and pass to the English. 64

In 1763 all Spanish and French possessions east of the Mississippi passed under the government of Great Britain. This change was not at all to the liking of most of the small tribes settled about Mobile Bay, and a letter of M. d’Abbadie, governor of Louisiana, dated April 10, 1764, informs us that the Taensas, Apalachee and the Pakana tribe of the Creeks had already come over to Red River in his province, or were about to do so. 65 We know that such a movement did actually take place. Probably the emigrant Apalachee included both the Mobile and the Pensacola bands. Sibley, in his “Historical sketches of several Indian Tribes in Louisiana, south of the Arkansas River, and between the Mississippi and River Grand,” written in 1806, has the following to say regarding this tribe:

Appalaches, are likewise emigrants from West Florida, from off the river whose name they bear; came over to Red River about the same time the Boluxas did, and have, ever since, lived on the river, above Bayau Rapide. No nation have been more highly esteemed by the French inhabitants; no complaints against them are ever heard; there are only fourteen men remaining; have their own language, but speak French and Mobilian. 66

From the papers on public lands among the American State Papers we know that they and the Taensa Indians settled together on a strip of land on Red River between Bayou d’Arro and Bayou Jean de Jean. This land was sold in 1803 to Miller and Fulton, but only a portion of it was allowed them by the United States commissioners in 1812 on the ground that the sale had not been agreed to by the Apalachee. 67 Nevertheless it is probable that the Apalachee did not remain in possession of their lands for a much longer period, though they appear to have lived in the same general region and to have died out there or gradually lost their identity. At the present time (1922) there are said to be two or three persons of Apalachee blood still living in Louisiana, but they have forotten their language and of course all of their aboriginal culture. 68

Citations:

1. Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 132-133; also Lowcry, MSS., Lib. Cong. Reproduced on p. 323.[↩]
2. Lowery, MSS. Reproduced on p. 323.[↩]
3. See p. 120.[↩]
4. Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 200, 208.[↩]
5. Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, I, p. 47; II, pp. 7, 79.[↩]
6. Ibid., II, p. 79.[↩]
7. Ibid., I, p. 47.[↩]
8. Bandelier, Journey of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 29.[↩]
9. Buckingham Smith, Two Docs.[↩]
10. See p. 97.[↩]
11. Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, I, p. 47; II, pp. 7, 79; Shipp’s Garcilasso, p. 283.[↩]
12. Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 207.[↩]
13. Buckingham Smith, Two Docs.[↩]
14. See p. 121.[↩]
15. Buckingham Smith, Letter of De Soto and Mem. of Fontaneda, pp. 27-28.[↩]
16. Bandelier, Journey of Cabeza de Vaca, pp. 12-13.[↩]
17. Ibid., p. 24.[↩]
18. Ibid., pp. 25-26.[↩]
19. Ibid., p. 27.[↩]
20. Bandelier. op. cit., pp. 28-34.[↩]
21. Ibid., p. 38. A fanega is about equal to a bushel.[↩]
22. Bandelier, op. cit., p. 39.[↩]
23. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., III. pp. 578-582.[↩]
24. Doc. Ined., XIV, pp. 265-279.[↩]
25. Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, II, pp. 78-80.[↩]
26. Ibid., p. 82.[↩]
27. A mistake has probably been made here in the division of sentences, which must have read: “The Camp-master, whose duty it is to divide and lodge the men, quartered them about the town. At the distance of half a league to a league apart there were other towns which had much maize,” etc.[↩]
28. Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, I, pp. 46-49.[↩]
29. Ibid., II, pp. 6-7.[↩]
30. Trans, by Bourne, op. cit. , II, pp. 151-152.[↩]
31. Lowery, MSS.[↩]
32. John Davies, Hist. Carrlbbee Islands, pp. 228-249.[↩]
33. Lowery, MSS.[↩]
34. Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 198; also Lowery, MSS.[↩]
35. Barcia, La Florida, p. 203.[↩]
36. Lowery, MSS.: also see Serrano y Sanz, Dor. Hist., pp. 204-205.[↩]
37. Lowery, MSS.[↩]
38. See pp. 299-304.[↩]
39. See p. 12.[↩]
40. Brooks, MSS., Lib. Cong.[↩]
41. Barcia, La Florida, p. 323.[↩]
42. As set forth in ”Statements Made in the Introduction to the Report on General Oglethorpe’s Expedition to St. Augustine” (printed in Carroll’s Historical Collections of South Carolina, vol. II, p. 351).[↩]
43. Pp. 570-576.[↩]
44. There is evidently a mistake in this date, which should be the 9th instead of the 19th.[↩]
45. Brooks, MSS., Miss Brooks’s translation.[↩]
46. Louisiana: Correapondence Générale, MS. vol. in Library Louisiana Historical Society, pp. 567-568. The “Chaqueto” are the Chatot.[↩]
47. Louisiana: Correspondence Générale, MS. vol. in Library Louisiana Historical Society, pp. 621-622.[↩]
48. Margry, Déc., V, pp. 460-461.[↩]
49. Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 1910, p. 109.[↩]
50. It will be remembered that St. Louis was one of the leading Apalachee towns and one of those which escaped destruction.[↩]
51. Pénicaut, in Margry, V, pp. 486-487.[↩]
52. Spelled Talichaliche below.[↩]
53. Barcia (La Florida, p. 329) says the 26th of August.[↩]
54. Brooks, MSS., Miss Brooks’s translation with some emendations: also see Barcia, La Florida, p. 329.[↩]
55. Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 228.[↩]
56. Barcia, La Florida, pp. 341-342.[↩]
57. Ibid., p. 344.[↩]
58. Ibid., pp. 347-348.[↩]
59. Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, pp. 109-111.[↩]
60. Brooks, MSS.[↩]
61. Hamilton, op. cit., p. 109.[↩]
62. Ibid., p. 111.[↩]
63. Hamilton, op. cit., p. 112.[↩]
64. Internat. Congress Am., Compte Rendu, XV sess., I, p. 86.[↩]
65. Am. Antiq., XIII, 252-253, Sept., 1891.[↩]
66. Sibley in Ann. of Cong., 9th Cong., 2d sess., 1085.[↩]
67. Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff., II, pp. 796-797.[↩]
68. Information from Dr. Milton Dunn, Colfax, La.[↩]