Caddo Genealogy Tables

ka’inchi, grandchild, w. sp.

Gen. III, 3 > Gen. III, 24 son’s son, w. sp.

iba`, mother’s brother

Gen. II, 57 > Gen. II, 30 mother’s brother
Gen. III, 44 > Gen. III, 12 mother’s brother
Gen. II, 57 > Gen. II, 34 (iba`t’iti, little mother’s brother) mother’s brother
Gen. II, 63 > Gen. 11,48 (iba`t’iti) mother’s brother
Gen. II, 59 > Gen. 11,12 mother’s mother’s brother
Gen. I, 49 > Gen. I, 10 parallel cousin removed. The mother of Gen. I, 49 called Gen. I, 10, brother.
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 17 father’s sister’s husband
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 19 father’s sister’s husband

aha’i’, father’s sister

Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 15 father’s sister
Gen. II, 30 > Gen. II, 15 father’s sister
Gen. III, 37 > Gen. III, 14 (ahaitete, father’s little sister) father’s sister
Gen. I, 51 > Gen. I, 28 (aha’i’t’iti, father’s little sister) father’s sister; also Ina’t’iti parallel
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 21 cousin removed. The father of Gen. I, 42 called Gen. I, 21, sister.

ine”, older brother of a male, parallel cousin

Gen. II, 12 > Gen. I, 8 older brother
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 37 older half brother
Gen. III, 12 > Gen. III, 6 older half brother
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 30 father’s brother’s son. Gen. I, 30 is actually senior to Gen. I, 42; but Gen. I, 42 (White Moon) stated that he called Gen. I, 30, Haninshu’wi, older brother not because Haninshu’wi was his senior, but because Haninshu’wi’s father was senior to White Moon’s father. This is borne out by:
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. 1,34 father’s brother’s son, actually younger than Gen. I, 42 father’s
Gen. III, 33 > Gen. III, 24 brother’s son (inehtete)
Gen. II, 51, 54 > Gen. II, 50 Gen. I, 61 > (in theory) mothers sister’s son
Gen. I, 55 father’s father’s brother’s son’s son

 

Gen. II, 59>Gen. II, 57, 58 (hanint’iti) mother’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s son
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 51 (hanint’iti) father’s sister’s son’s daughter. This is a theoretical application, and given dubiously, as one might expect in view of the double cross-cousinship involved. In practice the personal name is used.
Gen. III, 12 > Gen. III, 25 half brother’s son’s wife

The term may be used in a general sense, thus Chu”uu (Gen. II, 15) calls Inkinishit’iti, Little white-man, hanin inkinish, white-man child.

netsi’oiha, my spouse, desc.

Gen. II, 15 > Gen. II, 18 husband
Gen. II, 15 > Gen. II, 17 deceased husband
Gen. II, 18 > Gen. II, 15 wife

iba’kin, father-in-law, son-in-law, desc.

This term may be used by male or female; it is applied to males only. Between males it is a reciprocal term.

Gen. I, 37 > Gen. I, 10 father-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 31 > Gen. I, 7 father-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. III, 38 > Gen. III, 12 father-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 17> Gen. I, 7 father-in-law, m. sp.
Gen. I, 9 > Gen. I, 17 son-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. II, 15 > Gen. I, 38 son-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 7 > Gen. I, 1’7 son-in-law, m. sp.

chu’u’nu, mother-in-law, daughter-in-law, desc.

This term may be used by male or female; it is applied to women only. Between females it is a reciprocal term.

 

Gen. I, 45 > Gen. I, 14 mother-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 17 > Gen. I, 9 mother-in-law, m. sp.
Gen. I, 9>Gen. I, 28 step-daughter-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 7 > Gen. I, 31 daughter-in-law, m. sp.; in address, hanin
Gen. I, 10>Gen. I, 37 daughter-in-law, m. sp.
Gen. III, 12 > Gen. III, 38 daughter-in-law, m. sp. (chu’uno)
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 9 wife of father’s brother
Gen. I, 45 > Gen. I, 9 wife of husband’s father’s brother
Gen. I, 9>Gen. I, 45 wife of husband’s brother’s son
Gen. II, 59>Gen. II, 10 wife of mother’s mother’s brother

ikwi, affinity term applied to women of another generation than that of speaker, desc.

From the following application of this term it appears to be equivalent to chu’u’nu; but my informant denied this, quite evidently feeling a distinction without being able to point it out either in theory or in application.

Gen. I, 45 > Gen. I, 14 mother-in-law, w. sp.
Gen. I, 17 > Gen. I, 9 mother-in-law, m. sp.
Gen. I, 42 > Gen. I, 9 wife of father’s brother
Gen. II, 59>Gen. II, 14 wife of mother’s mother’s brother
Gen. I, 7 > Gen. I, 31 daughter-in-law, m. sp.

da’hai’, sister-in-law, brother-in-law, voc. And desc.

This term is reciprocal.

Gen. I, 17 >Gen. I, 30 wife’s brother
Gen. I, 30>Gen. I, 17 husband of sister, m. sp.
Gen. II, 43 >Gen. II, 40 husband’s brother
Gen. I, 45 >Gen. I, 42 husband’s half brother
Gen. II, 9>Gen. III, 12 husband’s half brother, (dahaiye)
Gen. II, 40>Gen. II, 43 wife of brother, m. sp.
Gen. 42 >Gen. I, 45 wife of half brother, m. sp.
Gen. III. 12 >Gen. III, 9 wife of half brother, m. sp. (dahaiye)
Gen. I, 31 >Gen. 1 33 husband’s sister wife of brother, w. sp.
Gen. I, 24>Gen. I, 13 wife’s sister. She is also his mother’s brother’s wife
Gen. I, 14>Gen. I, 24 sister’s husband, w. sp.
Gen. I, 31 >Gen. I, 42 husband’s father’s brother’s son
Gen- I, 42 >Gen. I, 31 wife of father’s brother’s son
Gen. I, 23 >Gen. I, 10 wife’s parallel cousin

Expressed in the nomenclature is the forked merging kinship system, collateral kin being merged with lineal and paternal and maternal collaterals in the parent generation being distinguished, through separate terms for mother’s brother and father’s sister. 1 Father’s brother is classed with father, and mother’s sister with mother. In the grandparent veneration there is no distinction between paternal and maternal kin. Parallel cousins offspring of two brothers or of two sisters are referred to by sibling terminology; but for cross-cousins, offspring of a sister and a brother, there is a distinctive term.


Citations:

  1. In the other Caddoan kinship terminologies as recorded by Morgan there is no separate term for father’s sister who is called mother (Morgan, Table II).[]

Topics:
Caddo,

Collection:
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Notes on the Caddo, Memories of the American Anthropological Association. Supplement to American Anthropologist, Volume 43, No. 3, Part 2. 1921.

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